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Michael Keating - Independence Analysis
Half of Basques would like to have a Basque rather than a Spanish passport. Voters in these places do not want their own armed forces or currency or closed borders. Majorities do tend to think that they have a right to recognition as more than an undifferentiated regional unit and would want to be able to renegotiate their place in the state and international order. There is a desire to control their own taxation but not a total rejection of social solidarity with the rest of the state.
Such findings are not as outlandish as might appear. Independence in Europe does not mean independence in the classic sense. The currency, defence and control of borders are not merely government competences, they are among the tasks that have traditionally defined the very meaning of sovereignty. Many nationalist movements in Europe have gone even further, questioning whether sovereignty itself has the same meaning in a modern and interdependent world. Instead, we might think of independence as a bundle of competences that could be separated from each other and considered individually. In fact there is nothing particularly new in this, since doctrines of shared and divided sovereignty exist in political and legal theory in many parts of Europe. It is not by chance that most of these are small nations with big and historically aggressive neighbours, who have no interest in doctrines of absolute independence and every reason to support overarching systems of international law and order. In the present era, the combination of recovered tradition and the emerging European opportunity structure have given rise to forms of post-sovereign thinking, going beyond classical state formulations altogether
European University Institute, Florence
Such findings are not as outlandish as might appear. Independence in Europe does not mean independence in the classic sense. The currency, defence and control of borders are not merely government competences, they are among the tasks that have traditionally defined the very meaning of sovereignty. Many nationalist movements in Europe have gone even further, questioning whether sovereignty itself has the same meaning in a modern and interdependent world. Instead, we might think of independence as a bundle of competences that could be separated from each other and considered individually. In fact there is nothing particularly new in this, since doctrines of shared and divided sovereignty exist in political and legal theory in many parts of Europe. It is not by chance that most of these are small nations with big and historically aggressive neighbours, who have no interest in doctrines of absolute independence and every reason to support overarching systems of international law and order. In the present era, the combination of recovered tradition and the emerging European opportunity structure have given rise to forms of post-sovereign thinking, going beyond classical state formulations altogether
European University Institute, Florence
François Mouillot - Expressions of Dissent and Hegemony in Modern Basque Bertsolaritza
The intercorporeality of Basque improvised poetry and its institutionalization (most visibly embodied in Bertsozale Elkartea) re-creates a community around the ideal of Basque language as the central trope of Basque identity. Language, however, is not the only defining criterion of Basqueness. As noted by Susan Arndt: “a nation is ineluctably shaped by what it opposes” (7). Being Basque has also come to signify the very idea of a struggle to maintain a cultural singularity based not only on the language but also traditions and values. If one perceives the Basque Country as a region opposing and resisting the overpowering, assimilative cultural values of a global superculture, then the intercorporeality of bertsolaritza reaffirms local Basque identity, while its institutionalization confirms the singularity of Basque culture as a whole. Even if they do not support ETA’s armed struggle for independence, many Basques perceive the politics of the Spanish and French governments as being aggressive, if not directly imperialist and colonialist in nature.
As has been previously established, the founding of such a sentiment in modern Basque consciousness can be, at least in part, traced back to the turn of the twentieth century and the abolition of the privileges that many Basques felt were their due in a state of peaceful co-existence with Spain. In the second half of the century, many elements contributed to anchor this feeling in the Basque population. One cannot help but see the resemblance between the colonial linguistic policies that affected the French and English colonies in Africa, Franco’s measures to prevent ethnic minorities from being able to speak their languages, and the official lack of recognition of Euskara (and other regional idioms) in France. Despite the official status of Euskara in Spain, the creation of the Basque Autonomous Community, the slow official recognition of regional particularism in France, and (perhaps most importantly) the longstanding leading economic role of Euskadi in Spain, the Basques still have difficulty maintaining their singularity in the context of states whose economic, technological, cultural, and political influence puts a great deal of pressure on Basque culture.
In the situation of the Basque nation, which has been struggling to maintain a distinct existence, the very positing of a difference can be seen as an act of resistance. Arguably, the most obvious way in which bertsolaritza functions as a tool of cultural resistance is found in the linguistic situation of the region. Because Basque speakers are a minority within their own territory, speaking Euskara and practicing a form of improvisation based on this language can be viewed as a form of resistance. This point takes on a stronger dimension if one looks at the situation of Basque language and culture in France, where Euskara is not official and is consequently not promoted by French institutions. Effectively, the percentages of fluent Basque speakers in Iparralde are some of the lowest in the Basque region. Any form of language education and/or promotion of Basque culture tends to come from grassroots movements run by Basque activists, or from small local institutions receiving little or no funding from their municipalities and/or regional and national governments. These cultural agents are actively resisting the powers of France and its regional language policies. In this context, bertsolaritza, whether supervised and partly funded by the Iparralde branches of Bertsozale Elkartea or organized independently by the Ikastolak14 and a few dedicated bertsolaris, enters the realm of cultural resistance.
Critical Studies in Improvisation / Études critiques en improvisation, Vol 5, No 1 (2009)
Resisting Poems: Expressions of Dissent and Hegemony in Modern Basque Bertsolaritza
As has been previously established, the founding of such a sentiment in modern Basque consciousness can be, at least in part, traced back to the turn of the twentieth century and the abolition of the privileges that many Basques felt were their due in a state of peaceful co-existence with Spain. In the second half of the century, many elements contributed to anchor this feeling in the Basque population. One cannot help but see the resemblance between the colonial linguistic policies that affected the French and English colonies in Africa, Franco’s measures to prevent ethnic minorities from being able to speak their languages, and the official lack of recognition of Euskara (and other regional idioms) in France. Despite the official status of Euskara in Spain, the creation of the Basque Autonomous Community, the slow official recognition of regional particularism in France, and (perhaps most importantly) the longstanding leading economic role of Euskadi in Spain, the Basques still have difficulty maintaining their singularity in the context of states whose economic, technological, cultural, and political influence puts a great deal of pressure on Basque culture.
In the situation of the Basque nation, which has been struggling to maintain a distinct existence, the very positing of a difference can be seen as an act of resistance. Arguably, the most obvious way in which bertsolaritza functions as a tool of cultural resistance is found in the linguistic situation of the region. Because Basque speakers are a minority within their own territory, speaking Euskara and practicing a form of improvisation based on this language can be viewed as a form of resistance. This point takes on a stronger dimension if one looks at the situation of Basque language and culture in France, where Euskara is not official and is consequently not promoted by French institutions. Effectively, the percentages of fluent Basque speakers in Iparralde are some of the lowest in the Basque region. Any form of language education and/or promotion of Basque culture tends to come from grassroots movements run by Basque activists, or from small local institutions receiving little or no funding from their municipalities and/or regional and national governments. These cultural agents are actively resisting the powers of France and its regional language policies. In this context, bertsolaritza, whether supervised and partly funded by the Iparralde branches of Bertsozale Elkartea or organized independently by the Ikastolak14 and a few dedicated bertsolaris, enters the realm of cultural resistance.
Critical Studies in Improvisation / Études critiques en improvisation, Vol 5, No 1 (2009)
Resisting Poems: Expressions of Dissent and Hegemony in Modern Basque Bertsolaritza
Tarot and the Basque Country's path to independence
A Celtic cross 10-card spread:The issue at hand is the individual or group is so obsessed with what he/she/they does not have that he/she/they forget what they already do possess. There is a need for re-evaluation of familiar environments. The foundation of the issue is built on negativity- the restriction of desires, and imprisonment. There is a holding on of the status quo that has led to a violent downfall.
Yet the near future is very bright, so many generations of unresolved conflict has led to the present situation- a generation that will be able to finally experience satisfaction. What will resolve the matter is a spirit of sacrifice, flexibility of mind, and devotion to a cause. It is the great paradox- the less you control a situation, the more you control it. The way in which the issue is perceived by those 'inside' is that of transformation- major changes and the purging of those things holding one back. The way the issue is seen by those 'outside' is the need to put the past behind and look to the future.
The greatest hope is that hard work does pay off at the end, and that the time to look back, reflect, and celebrate is near. The outcome of the situation depends on seeing the big picture- it is the power of communication that will rid the major obstacles. There is a lot of energy gathering around the issue that will facilitate understanding and harmony.
Sociology: understanding a diverse society - Andersen & Taylor
Deviance
Those with the power to define deviance exert the most social control. Social control agents are people such as police and mental health workers who regulate and administer the response to deviance. Members of powerless groups may be defined as deviant for even the slightest infraction against social norms, whereas members of other groups may be free to behave in deviant ways without consequence. Oppressed groups have a greater likelihood of being labeled deviant and incarcerated or institutionalized, whether or not they have committed a deviant offense.
Those with the power to define deviance exert the most social control. Social control agents are people such as police and mental health workers who regulate and administer the response to deviance. Members of powerless groups may be defined as deviant for even the slightest infraction against social norms, whereas members of other groups may be free to behave in deviant ways without consequence. Oppressed groups have a greater likelihood of being labeled deviant and incarcerated or institutionalized, whether or not they have committed a deviant offense.
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